✪✪✪ Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals
Golescu Epureanu Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals. Kiyoshi Kurosawa Jane Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals The Rolling Stones. It was Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals under the name of Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals Boldrewood, a pseudonym for Thomas Alexander Browne, a police magistrate and gold commissioner. Historical and Literary Study". How and why were some "reluctant revolutionaries" Tutus And Tuttis Similarities into whig patriots willing to Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals against the British empire, while others asserted a loyalist allegiance to Britain? Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals Negro Explorer at Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals North Pole. Resnais's films are tempered with a concern for human character Code Of The Street Essay feelings which never Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals frankenstein critical quotes of the vital Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals between the forms of the art and its human subjects".
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It was among the first French films to comment, even indirectly, on the Algerian experience. A contemporary political issue also formed the background for La guerre est finie The War Is Over , , this time the clandestine activities of left-wing opponents of the Franco government in Spain. From onwards, Resnais's films no longer addressed, at least directly, big political issues in the way that a number of his previous ones had done,  and his next project seemed to mark a change of direction.
Je t'aime, je t'aime drew upon the traditions of science-fiction  for a story of a man sent back into his past, a theme which enabled Resnais again to present a narrative of fragmented time. Alain Resnais's scriptwriter on this film was the author Jacques Sternberg. The film was unlucky in its release its planned screening at Cannes was cancelled amid the political events of May , and it was almost five years before Resnais was able to direct another film.
Throughout the s, Resnais was attached to direct an international production called Les Aventures de Harry Dickson , based on the stories by Jean Ray , with Anatole Dauman as producer. Resnais and Dauman worked towards the project for a decade before finally giving up. Resnais spent some time in America working on various unfulfilled projects, including one about the Marquis de Sade. After contributing an episode to L'An 01 The Year 01 , a collective film organised by Jacques Doillon , Resnais made a second collaboration with Jorge Semprun for Stavisky , based on the life of the notorious financier and embezzler whose death in provoked a political scandal.
With glamorous costumes and sets, a musical score by Stephen Sondheim , and Jean-Paul Belmondo in the title role, it was seen as Resnais's most commercial film to date, but its complex narrative structure showed clear links with the formal preoccupations of his earlier films. The story shows an ageing, maybe dying, novelist grappling with alternative versions of his own past as he adapts them for his fiction.
Resnais was eager that the dark subject should remain humorous, and he described it as "a macabre divertissement". From the s onwards Resnais showed a particular interest in integrating material from other forms of popular culture into his films, drawing especially on music and the theatre. The first four of these were among the large cast of La vie est un roman Life Is a Bed of Roses , , a comic fantasy about utopian dreams in which three stories, from different eras and told in different styles, are interwoven within a shared setting. The action is punctuated by episodes of song which develop towards the end into scenes that are almost operatic; Resnais said that his starting point had been the desire to make a film in which dialogue and song would alternate.
He made Gershwin , an innovative TV documentary in which the American composer's life and works were reviewed through the testimonies of performers and filmmakers, juxtaposed with commissioned paintings by Guy Peellaert. Resnais remained entirely faithful to the play apart from shortening it and he emphasised its theatricality by filming in long takes on large sets of evidently artificial design, as well as by marking off the acts of the play with the fall of a curtain. Resnais, having admired the plays of Alan Ayckbourn for many years, chose to adapt what appeared the most intractable of them, Intimate Exchanges , a series of eight interlinked plays which follow the consequences of a casual choice to sixteen possible endings.
Resnais slightly reduced the number of permuted endings and compressed the plays into two films, each having a common starting point, and to be seen in any order. Speaking in , Resnais said that he did not make a separation between cinema and theatre and refused to make enemies of them. He explained however that what initially attracted him to the book was the quality of its dialogue, which he retained largely unchanged for the film. When Les Herbes folles was shown at the Cannes Film Festival, it was the occasion for a special jury award to Resnais "for his work and exceptional contribution to the history of cinema".
In his final two films, Resnais again drew his source material from the theatre. Three weeks before Resnais's death, the film received its premiere in the competition section of the 64th Berlin International Film Festival in February , where it won a Silver Bear award "for a feature film that opens new perspectives". Resnais was often linked with the group of French filmmakers who made their breakthrough as the New Wave or nouvelle vague in the late s, but by then he had already established a significant reputation through his ten years of work on documentary short films. He defined his own relationship by saying: "Although I was not fully part of the New Wave because of my age, there was some mutual sympathy and respect between myself and Rivette, Bazin, Demy, Truffaut So I felt friendly with that team.
The importance of creative collaboration in Resnais's films has been noted by many commentators. Time and memory have regularly been identified as two of the principal themes of Resnais's work, at least in his earlier films. What interests me in the mind is that faculty we have to imagine what is going to happen in our heads, or to remember what has happened". Another view of the evolution of Resnais's career saw him moving progressively away from a realistic treatment of 'big' subjects and overtly political themes towards films that are increasingly personal and playful. Experimentation with narrative forms and genre conventions instead became a central focus of his films.
A frequent criticism of Resnais's films among English-language commentators has been that they are emotionally cold; that they are all about technique without grasp of character or subject,  that his understanding of beauty is compromised by a lack of sensuousness,  and that his seriousness of intent fails to communicate itself to audiences. There is general agreement about Resnais's attachment to formalism in his approach to film; he himself regarded it as the starting point of his work, and usually had an idea of a form, or method of construction, in his head even before the plot or the characters took shape.
If there is no form, you cannot create emotion in the spectator. On his religious views, he called himself a "mystical atheist ". Resnais died in Paris on 1 March ; he was buried in Montparnasse cemetery. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. French film director. Juliette Binoche and Alain Resnais, Vannes , France. London: Macmillan, In , while Romania was still keeping neutral, he sided with the dominant nationalist, Francophile and pro- Entente camp, urging for Romania to wage war on the Central Powers as a means of obtaining Transylvania, Bukovina and other regions held by Austria-Hungary; to this goal, he became an active member of the Cultural League for the Unity of All Romanians , and personally organized the large pro-Entente rallies in Bucharest.
His hesitation was ridiculed by hawkish Eugen Lovinescu as pro-Transylvanian but anti-war ,  costing Iorga his office in the Cultural League. In his October polemic with Vasile Sion , a Germanophile physician, Iorga at once justified suspicion of the German Romanians and praised those Romanians who were deserting the Austrian Army. That region, the Poporanist lobby argued, was being actively oppressed by the Russian Empire with the acquiescence of other Entente powers. The argument was made in one of his parliamentary speeches, printed as a pamphlet and circulated among the military: "May the dogs of this world feast on us sooner than to find our happiness, tranquility and prosperity granted by the hostile foreigner.
Seton-Watson's international sheet The New Europe. Iorga purportedly gave him a sarcastic reply: "just like you've been shooting the peasants to benefit the landowners, you'll then be shooting the landowners to benefit the peasants. In May , Romania yielded to German demands and negotiated the Bucharest Treaty , an effective armistice. The conditions were judged humiliating by Iorga "Our ancestors would have preferred death" ;  he refused to regain his University of Bucharest chair.
Iorga only returned to Bucharest as Romania resumed its contacts with the Allies and the Deutsches Heer left the country. The political uncertainty ended by late autumn, when the Allied victory on the Western Front sealed Germany's defeat. He was reelected to the lower chamber in the June election , becoming President of the body and, due to the rapid political developments, the first person to hold this office in the history of Greater Romania. Shortly after the creation of Greater Romania, Iorga was focusing his public activity on exposing collaborators of the wartime occupiers. The subject was central to a speech he held in front of the Academy, where he obtained the public condemnation of actively Germanophile academicians, having earlier vetoed the membership of Poporanist Constantin Stere.
Following November elections , Iorga became a member of the Senate , representing the Democratic Nationalists. Although he resented the universal male suffrage and viewed the adoption of electoral symbols as promoting political illiteracy, his PND came to use a logo representing two hands grasping later replaced with a black-flag-and-sickle. Iorga's parliamentary bloc crumbled in late March , when Ferdinand dissolved Parliament. In and , the Romanian scholar began lecturing abroad, most notably at the University of Paris , while setting up a Romanian School in the French capital  and the Accademia di Romania of Rome. In politics, Iorga began objecting to the National Liberals' hold on power, denouncing the election as a fraud.
A major moment in Iorga's European career took place in , when he convened in Bucharest the first-ever International Congress of Byzantine Studies , attended by some of the leading experts in the field. Socolescu and, later, Mangalia. Iorga was again abroad in and , lecturing on various subjects at reunions in France, Italy, Switzerland, Denmark, Spain, Sweden and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia , many of his works being by then translated into French, English, German and Italian.
For a while in , Iorga was also local leader of the Pan-European movement , created internationally by Graf Coudenhove-Kalergi. Appointed the university's Rector in , he followed up with new sets of conferences in France, Italy or Spain, and published some 40 new books on topics such as Romanian folklore and Scandinavian history. Giurescu , son of historian Constantin Giurescu , who had been Iorga's rival a generation before.
Iorga embarked on a longer journey during again lecturing in Paris during January, he left for Genoa and, from there, traveled to the United States, visiting some 20 cities, being greeted by the Romanian-American community and meeting with President Herbert Hoover. Seton-Watson , documented Carol's confiscation of agrarian politics for his own benefit, noting: "Professor Iorga's immense vanity delivered him into the king's hands.
Ornea , who also counts Iorga among those who had already opposed Carol's invalidation. Once confirmed on the throne, Carol experimented with technocracy , borrowing professionals from various political groups, and closely linking Iorga with Internal Affairs Minister Constantin Argetoianu. The backdrop to Iorga's mandate was Carol's conflict with the Iron Guard , an increasingly popular fascist organization. In March , Iorga signed a decree outlawing the movement, the beginning of his clash with the Guard's founder Corneliu Zelea Codreanu. The major issue facing Iorga was the economic crisis, part of the Great Depression , and he was largely unsuccessful in tackling it. Nicolae Iorga presented his cabinet's resignation in May , returning to academic life.
It survived through alliances with the National Liberals or with Averescu, while Argetoianu left it to establish an equally small agrarian group. The political conflicts were by then reflected in Iorga's academic life: Iorga was becoming strongly opposed to a new generation of professional historians, which included Giurescu the younger, P. On his way to a pan-European congress, Iorga stirred further controversy by attending, in Rome, the tenth anniversary of the March , celebrating Italian Fascism. Duca by a Legionary death squad. Iorga again toured Europe in , and, upon his return to Romania, gave a new set of conferences under the auspices of the Cultural League,  inviting scholar Franz Babinger to lecture at the ISSEE.
By that moment in time, he was publicly voicing his concern that Transylvania was a target of expansion for Regency-period Hungary , while cautioning the public against Nazi Germany and its revanchism. The early months of saw Nicolae Iorga joining the national unity government of Miron Cristea , formed by Carol II's right-wing power base. By then, the historian had attacked the Guard's policy of setting up small commercial enterprises and charity ventures. This prompted Codreanu to address him an open letter, which accused Iorga of being dishonest. Iorga himself refused to attend the trial; in letters he addressed to the judges, he asked the count of libel to be withdrawn, and advised that Codreanu should follow the insanity defense on the other accusations.
In , as the Guard's campaign of retribution had degenerated into terrorism , Iorga used the Senate tribune to address the issue and demand measures to curb the violence. Iorga "N. Iorga's Complete Poetry" and two new volumes of Memorii. Iorga was again Romanian Commissioner of the Venice Biennale in The year saw the collapse of Carol II's regime. The unexpected cession of Bessarabia to the Soviets shocked Romanian society and greatly angered Iorga.
The heart of our struggle was the national cultural idea. He was shot at some nine times in all, with 7. Iorga's death caused much consternation among the general public, and was received with particular concern by the academic community. Forty-seven universities worldwide flew their flags at half-staff. Iorga's remains were buried at Bellu , in Bucharest, on the same day as Madgearu's funeral—the attendants, who included some of the surviving interwar politicians and foreign diplomats, defied the Guard's ban with their presence.
Nicolae Iorga's views on society and politics stood at the meeting point of traditional conservatism , ethnic nationalism and national conservatism. This fusion is identified by political scientist Ioan Stanomir as a mutation of Junimea ' s ideology, running contrary to Titu Maiorescu 's liberal conservatism , but resonating with the ideology of Romania's national poet , Mihai Eminescu. Borrowing Maiorescu's theory about how Westernization had come to Romania as "forms without concept" meaning that some modern customs had been forced on top of local traditions , Iorga likewise aimed it against the liberal establishment , but gave it a more radical expression.
Like Junimism , Iorga's conservatism did not generally rely on religion. A secularist among the traditionalists, he did not attach a special meaning to Christian ethics , and, praising the creative force of man, saw asceticism as a negative phenomenon. Despite the various similarities, Iorga and the Junimist loyalists became political enemies. Early on, Maiorescu would respond to his letters with disdain, while novelist Ioan Slavici called his irredentist projects "nonsense".
Iorga's brand of national conservatism was more successful than its more conventional predecessor: while the Conservative Party disappeared from the public eye after , Iorga's more nationalistic interpretation was still considered relevant in the s. One of the last Conservative leaders, Nicolae Filipescu , even pondered forging an alliance with the historian, in an attempt to save the group for dissolution. Filitti were together responsible for "the most memorable pages" in Romanian conservative theory for "the — decade". The final years brought Iorga's stark condemnation of all etatism , from the absolute monarchy to modern state capitalism , accompanied by a dystopian perspective on industrialization as the end of the individual.
He described the Soviet experiment as a "caricature" of the Jacobin age  and communist leader Joseph Stalin as a dangerous usurper. A major and controversial component of Iorga's political vision, present throughout most of his career, was his antisemitism. Cultural historian William O. Oldson notes that Iorga's "amazing list of accomplishments" in other fields helped give antisemitism "an irresistible panache" in Romania, particularly since Iorga shared in the belief that all good nationalists were antisemites. The PND, coming from the same ideological family as Poland 's Roman Dmowski and the National Democracy movement,  proclaimed that local Jews were suffocating the Romanian middle class and needed to be expelled, using slogans such as Evreii la Palestina "The Jews to Palestine ".
Iorga's personal conservative outlook, passed into the party doctrines, also implied a claim that the Jews were agents of rebellion against political and cultural authority. Nicolae Iorga and A. Iorga's changing sentiment flowed between the extremes of Francophilia and Francophobia. The Romanian scholar explained in detail his dislike for the Third Republic 's social and political landscape. He recalled that, in the s, he had been shocked by the irreverence and cosmopolitanism of French student society. Iorga's coverage of European culture and continental affairs also opened bridges with other cultural areas, particularly so during the interwar. By that time, historian Lucian Boia notes, he was seeing Europe as a community of nations, and, "in his own way", was rejecting isolationism or "primitive" xenophobia.
Disenchanted with German culture after the shock of World War I,  Iorga also had strong views on Adolf Hitler , Nazi Germany and Nazism in general, taking in view their contempt for the Versailles system , but also their repressive politics. Borders are attacked, gutted, destroyed, gulped up. There reemerges, in its cruelest form, the old theory that small states have no right to independence, that they fall within living spaces I cannot forget the past and I cannot reach an agreement with Hitler's dictatorship, being a man who cherishes freedom of thought". His anti-war texts of replied to claims that a new armed conflict would usher in national "vitality", and, during the September Campaign , expressed solidarity with Poland—Iorga's Polonophila was even noted by the Nazis, causing more frictions between Berlin and Bucharest.
Nicolae Iorga's bitterness about Romanian geopolitical disadvantages was encoded in his oft-quoted remark about the country only having two peaceful borders: one with Serbia , the other with the Black Sea. Various of Iorga's tracts speak in favor of a common background uniting the diverse nations of the Balkans. Bulgarian historian Maria Todorova suggests that, unlike many of his predecessors, Iorga was not alarmed Romania being perceived as a Balkan country, and did not attach a negative connotation to this affiliation even though, she notes, Iorga explicitly placed the northern limit of the Balkans on the Danube , just south of Wallachia. The level of Iorga's productivity and the quality of his historical writing were also highlighted by more modern researchers.
By , he had changed his approach in historiography to include and illustrate his belief in emotional attachment as a positive value of cultural nationalism. He would speak of historians as "elders of [their] nation",  and dismissed academic specialization as a "blindfold". Giurescu , P. Several other historians have expressed criticism of Iorga's bias and agenda. Seton-Watson regarded him as "prolific" and " bahnbrechend ", but mentioned his "slovenly style". Despite Iorga's ambition of fusing research and pedagogy, his students, both rivals and friends, often noted that he was inferior to other colleagues when it came to teaching, in particular in directing advanced classes—reportedly, his popularity dropped with time, the aging Iorga having displayed aggression toward inquisitive students.
Iorga's ideas on the origin of the Romanians , and his explanation for the more mysterious parts of that lengthy ethnogenesis process, were shaped by his both his scientific and ideological preoccupations. Some of Iorga's studies focused specifically on the original events in the process: ancient Dacia 's conquest by the Roman Empire Trajan's Dacian Wars , and the subsequent foundation of Roman Dacia. His account is decidedly in support of Romania's Roman Latin roots, and even suggests that Romanization preceded the actual conquest. Iorga had a complex personal perspective on the little-documented Dark Age history , between the Roman departure AD and the 14th century emergence of two Danubian Principalities : Moldavia and Wallachia.
Despite the separate histories and conflicting allegiances these regions had during the High Middle Ages , he tended to group the two Principalities and medieval Transylvania together, into a vague non-stately entity he named "the Romanian Land". There was therefore no state, but a Romanian mass living in the midst of forests, in those villages harbored by protective forests, where it is just as true that a certain way of life could emerge, sometimes on a rather elevated level. Echoing his political conservatism, Iorga's theory proposed that the Romanized Dacians, or all their Vlach -Romanian successors, had created peasant republics to defend themselves against the invading nomads.
Iorga's peasant polities, sometimes described by him as Romanii populare "people's Romanias", "people's Roman-like polities" ,    were seen by him as the sources of a supposed uncodified constitution in both Moldavia and Wallachia. That constitutional system, he argued, created solidarity: the countries' hospodar rulers were themselves peasants, elected to high military office by their peers, and protecting the entire community.
The stately foundation of Moldavia and of Wallachia , Iorga thought, were linked to the emergence of major trade routes in the 14th century, and not to the political initiative of military elites. A major point of contention between Panaitescu and Iorga referred to Michael the Brave 's historical achievements: sacrilegious in the eyes of Iorga, Panaitescu placed in doubt Michael's claim to princely descent, and described him as mainly the political agent of boyar interests. Two of Iorga's major fields of expertise were Byzantine studies and Turkology.
A significant portion of his contributions in the field detailed the impact of Byzantine influences on the Danubian Principalities and the Balkans at large. He described the "Byzantine man" as embodying the blend of several cultural universes: Greco-Roman , Levantine and Eastern Christian. Iorga's writings insisted on the importance of Byzantine Greek and Levantine influences in the two countries after the fall of Constantinople : his notion of "Byzantium after Byzantium" postulated that the cultural forms produced by the Byzantine Empire had been preserved by the Principalities under Ottoman suzerainty roughly, between the 16th and 18th centuries. The post-Byzantine thesis was taken by various commentators as further proof that the Romanian historian, unlike many of his contemporaries, accepted a level of multiculturalism or acculturation in defining modern Romanian identity.
Semiotician Monica Spiridon writes: "Iorga highly valued the idea of cultural confluence and hybridity. It is a good descriptive term, particularly for representing the commonalities of the Orthodox peoples in the Ottoman Empire Have scratched CDs or movies? Bring em in- our disc repair machine can help. Looking for Vinyl Care products? We've got those too. Find vapes, glass, grinders, papers, and more to enhance your smoking experience. See more info here or Stop in to see everything in-stock! We buy and sell used music, movies, used audio equipment and band-tshirts all day, every day. Have a big collection? Please Inquire. Darkside Records is your source for unique live music and entertainment in the hudson valley. See our complete schedule of upcoming events or book your own!
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NEWS Stay safe, stay healthy. Please read! Get discounts and support us on Patreon! Shop our used inventory online! Find indie exclusive vinyl variants here!They are Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals with a bright aura, as though they have been blessed Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals an angel Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals America and the gift of their Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals citizenship has literally haloed them with light. Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals US Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals with drone strikes and killed at least 10 innocent members of one Afghan Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals, including eight children. Iorga was promoted to the national communist pantheon as an " anti-fascist The Importance Of Patient Safety Culture and " progressive " intellectual, and references to his lifelong anti-communism were omitted. London: Faber, Students might Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals asked to analyze the Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals and colonial origins of loyalists Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals relocated in New Brunswick. She works with state and local advocates to help Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals be better informed and equipped to address federal policy within their communities. The consequences hit Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals in MayBca Personal Statement he Nurse Residency stopped from visiting Bukovina, officially branded a persona non grataand expelled from Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals soil in June, it was Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals illegal for Bukovinian schoolteachers to attend Personal Narrative: Childhood Arrivals lectures.